"FOR WHAT SHALL IT PROFIT A MAN, IF HE SHOULD GAIN THE WHOLE WORLD, AND LOSE HIS OWN SOUL?" MARK 8:36

Blanche: It's not a crime to party with Mr. Epstein.

Megyn Kelly: "Raping fourteen-year-old girls is not really pedophilia, so relax." 

Karoline Leavitt: "They were neighbors, so it’s OK." 

Todd Blanche: "You can party with Epstein no problem." 

At this point, MAGA—how much of your soul is left to sell?

DONALD STALIN: “THOSE WHO VOTE DECIDE NOTHING. THOSE WHO COUNT THE VOTE DECIDE EVERYTHING."

 

REMEMBER BROWNSVILLE''S RACIST PAST ON BLACK HISTORY MONTH

Texas Southmost College Chair Adela Garza: "Our Scorpion community gathered outside the historic Regiment House for the unveiling of the Buffalo Soldier Historical Marker. We honored the legacy of the African American troops at Fort Brown, recognizing both their contributions and the injustices they endured. This marker is an important step in securing their place in our local history."

Narrative to application for Texas Historical Commission marker at Ft. Brown for Buffalo Soldiers. At the local level applications were handled by Gene Fernandez, Commissioner and Chairman of the Texas State Historical Marker Program.

Special to El Rrun-Rrun

The reason for the commemoration of the “Buffalo Soldiers,” through their involvement with Fort Brown and the South Texas environs throughout the second half of the 19th Century and the first decade of the 20th Century, is abundantly meaningful. This honorable recognition is claimed, based upon facts of numerous actual ties that occurred to connect the soldiers and their fort intrinsically together.

Extending beyond the realm of Historians, and into the consciousness of open society, the fame of the legendary Buffalo Soldiers is far and wide among us.

Since their initial formulation in 1866, as a grouping of African American-based regiments of cavalry and infantry, they accumulated a notable heritage which is firmly seated within the annals of American military history.

The theaters of operation include such historical episodes as the Indian Wars of the Great Plains, Spanish-American War, Philippine-American War, Mexican Border War, World War I, World War II.

To accurately track the specific regiments which followed the original lineage of these soldiers, One must center on certain “companies” of the following regiments: (United States Army) 9th Cavalry, 10th Cavalry, 24th Cavalry, 25th Infanytry.

In the broad range of events, all of these regiments were composed of almost exclusively African Americans, with the exception of a White officer corps. Absolute evidence of the presence of Black soldiers (U. S. Colored Troops, “USCT, or USC”), can be observed, sadly enough, in the roster of those who were buried in the National Cemetery at Fort Brown.

It is well understood that combat fatalities were not that great in South Texas throughout the period of the Civil War, in particular, whereas the primary cause of death was attributed to pestilence and other health-related causes. The poor living conditions on this Border outpost, abundantly documented, surely contributed largely as well.

The ravages of the cholera epidemic of 1866, and the yellow fever scourges of 1867, 1882, and 1883 took heavy toll of soldier and citizen alike.

Another monumental accounting which establishes the presence of colored troops in the area comes from the rolls of the famous 25th Infantry, Companies B, C, and D, who were involved in the infamous “Brownsville Affair” of 1906. These troops followed an interesting, if not illustrious path that took in assignments ranging from the Spanish-American War service in Cuba, under Theodore Roosevelt, to obvious Indian engagement in Nebraska, Oklahoma, and then on to Brownsville.

Of those regiments, and the companies thereof, conforming with what were known to be legitimately “Buffalo Soldiers”, having seen direct military action in the Indian Wars of the Great Plains, there is direct evidence to support the claim that there were elements of troops which went on to receive assignments at Fort Brown.

The period of greatest direct tie to these veterans having spent time in South Texas ran from 1870 through 1880, according to general accounting of research on these regiments, understanding that the entire period of the Native American Indian conflicts ran from 1866 through the 1890’s. Tragically, They were all discharged dishonorably by Roosevelt after the Brownsville Afair although no proof existed that they had been involved in the fray.

Their acts of bravery attributed to the formidable warrior spirit of these soldiers, are resident in legend and history. From the origins of the actual name which was given to them by Native American Indians, they were said to have “fought like a cornered buffalo”, which lends an allegorical realism to their image. 

Speaking for this bravery, there were twenty-six Medal of Honor recipients from the ranks of their regiments from 1866 through 1918. This is not taking into account the continuance of their line as it yielded its metal into World War II.

Their indomitable courage has impacted music, television series, movies, novels, and artworks throughout their active range, and shall continue to do so well into the future.

For this and all other noble reasoning, Fort Brown needed to extend its arms in homage to these worthy military men, at long last.

BUT IF YOU'RE "STOPPING THE STEAL," WE'LL PARDON YOU, OF COURSE..."

GUERRA TIED DIRECTLY TO HUACHICOL OIL TRANSACTIONS: Y EN QUE TRABAJA EL MUCHACHO?

Olivo graphic

Special to El Rrun-Rrun

After months of denying any link between him and the illegal importation of petroleum products into Mexico, documentation from the Mexican government, the Texas secretary of State, and district court records have directly linked Brownsville Navigation District chairman Steve Guerra  to shipments between his Warrior Fuel Traders Limited Liability Corporation (LLC) and Pyrodiesel Del Cento SA de CV, named by the Federal Criminal Intelligence Center of Mexico as a principal in the smuggling of fuel.

Guerra was first elected to the BND board in 2018 and appointed chair in 2022. He was reappointed to the position in May 2024. He is currently a candidate for Cameron County Judge in the Democratic Party primary.

These revelations were first published in Frankie Olivo's Facebook post https://www.facebook.com/FrankieOlivo10/posts/this-is-how-steve-guerra-is-linked-to-huachicol-he-was-buying-diesel-in-the-us-a/1221688939939605/ outlining a debt of Guerra's LLC to non-payment to Key Performance Petroleum Company of Navasota, Texas.

In that lawsuit, Key Performance president Mark Jackson filed an affidavit October 26, 2022 in support of his company's lawsuit demanding payment of an outstanding balance of $333,484.47 and attached copies of 24 invoices totaling shipments of diesel and other petroleum products they had shipped at Warrior Fuel Traders' request over a two-month period in 2020 that had not been paid. Guerra was served the next day, October 27.

In Cause No: 2022-DCL-5154-I plaintiff Key Performance lists a systematic record of transactions that make up the outstanding balance of Warrior Fuel Traders, LLC.

Government investigations revealed that Warrior Fuel Traders/Steve Guerra was in direct business with Pyrodiesel Del Cento SA de CV. Pyrodiesel has been named as a principal in fuel smuggling activities (huachicol) of petroleum by the Federal Criminal Intelligence Center of Mexico. https://es-us.noticias.yahoo.com/huachicoleros-controlaban-puertos-pa%C3%ADs-060000638.html

Invoices to Warrior Fuel Traders from Key Performance indicate the diesel and petroleum products were shipped through Eagle Pass, Texas and delivered to Pyrodiesel. The Warrior Fuel Traders LLC was registered with the Texas Secretary Of State April 13, 2020 and its certification was forfeited June 24, 2022.

"The identification of the modus operandi: First modus operandi, the fuel is purchased in the United States and then imported into Mexico, where it is sold to various companies. These companies are responsible for distributing it through marketing and transportation companies, selling the fuel at a lower price than the one established in the national market.

"To this end, they use cloned gasoline and diesel import declarations to simulate the legal origin of the hydrocarbons, allowing them to legitimize the multiple sales they make," the Federal Center for Criminal Intelligence (FGR) analysis details.

COMING TO A BARRIO NEAR YOU...DON'T LET THEM TELL YOU IT WON'T HAPPEN HERE. IT ALREADY IS.

ICE makes arrest at Morton and International Blvd. in Brownsville

WE HAVE MET THE ENEMY, AND THEY ARE OUR OWN S. TEXAS ICE

Special to El Rrun-Rrun

BREAKING: AT LAST! The CPB agents who killed Alex Pretti are FINALLY NAMED — and the cover-up looks worse by the day.

For weeks, the Trump administration hid behind masks, silence, and talking points.
Now the names are out.

Government records reviewed by ProPublica now identify the two federal agents who fired the shots that killed Alex Pretti, a 37-year-old VA ICU nurse gunned down during a chaotic federal sweep in Minneapolis. Their names are Jesus “Jesse” Ochoa, a Border Patrol agent, and Raymundo Gutierrez, a Customs and Border Protection officer.

Both were deployed under Operation Metro Surge, Trump’s aggressive immigration dragnet that sent armed, masked agents flooding American cities far from the border—and even farther from accountability.

The details matter.

Ochoa, 43, joined CBP in 2018 after years of wanting the job. According to his ex-wife, Angelica Ochoa, he graduated from the University of Texas–Pan American with a degree in criminal justice and spent much of his life in the Rio Grande Valley dreaming of becoming a Border Patrol agent. By the time the couple split in 2021, she said, he had become a gun enthusiast, owning roughly 25 rifles, pistols, and shotguns.

Gutierrez, 35, joined CBP in 2014 and works for the Office of Field Operations. He’s assigned to a special response team—a high-risk unit modeled after police SWAT teams. Records show both men were brought in from South Texas to enforce a crackdown that turned Minneapolis into a militarized zone.

CBP refused to release their names. DHS blocked state investigators. Body-camera footage remains hidden. And while Trump officials rushed to smear Pretti—branding him a threat and worse—video evidence shredded the official story.

(At right: Greg Bovino spotted in Downtown McAllen last night )

Footage shows Pretti calmly filming federal agents roaming a popular arts district. It shows a masked agent shoving a woman to the ground. It shows Pretti stepping in to help. It shows pepper spray blasted into his face, agents piling on, and then a volley of gunfire — around ten shots — as onlookers screamed.

Pretti was legally armed. Multiple analyses suggest an agent removed the gun from his hip before shots were fired, contradicting claims of imminent danger.

Only after days of protests and bipartisan outrage did the Justice Department announce a civil rights investigation. Even now, key evidence remains locked away.
This isn’t just about two agents.

It’s about a system that sends anonymous, heavily armed federal teams into U.S. cities, escalates encounters instead of defusing them, and then hides the truth when an American citizen ends up dead.

Alex Pretti had a name, a family, and a life devoted to caring for veterans.

The men who killed him tried to keep their identities secret.

Now that the masks are off, accountability can’t stop at identification. It has to climb the chain of command that made this tragedy possible.

Q-ANON, MAGAS: ADMIT IT, IT WASN'T ABOUT THE CHILDREN

By Rubia Garcia, J.D.

Dear QAnon/MAGA:

You were right about one thing: powerful people were abusing children in secret. Where you wrong —catastrophically — was who you believed was responsible.

The people who fed you the fear, the breadcrumbs, the panic — weren’t whistleblowers.
They were LIARS laundering their OWN crimes through your paranoia and conspiracy.

They handed you a monster story so you’d never look at the monsters within them holding the mic.
They weaponized your disgust, redirected your rage, and turned moral horror into political loyalty.
While you hunted invented villains in basements and pizza shops, REAL victims were buried under NDAs, sealed indictments, and power.

You didn’t expose a cabal. You became its shield.
And the final obscenity?
You crowned the people who convinced you it existed.
You didn’t save the children. You elected the cover-up — and called it a landslide.

And when anyone tried to show you the evidence — when journalists, survivors, prosecutors, or reality itself got too close — you didn’t listen.

Anyone who could prove you wrong was written off as “TDS.”
Evidence became hysteria.
Facts became loyalty tests.

You silenced the proof, mocked the warnings, and went further right; convinced the elites on the Left were the only responsible party.
Then, you did the one thing that guaranteed accountability would never come: you elected the predator and chief perpetrator to be President of the United States.

So here’s the test you can’t dodge anymore.
If it was ever about the children — then believe them now.
Because those children grew up. They are women now. They are the daughters of this country.
They are names, timelines, receipts, and scars — not symbols, not conspiracies, or anonymous posts—but lived reality.

You may have failed them once.

You may have mocked them, dismissed them, or called them liars when it was convenient.
But history begs you do not fail them again.
Because if you only “believe the children” when it flatters your politics — if you dismiss all these women as liars, plants, or TDS — then it was never about protecting kids.
\

It was about power.

It was about loyalty.
It was about who you were willing to excuse.
And if you choose denial again — if you close ranks, attack the witnesses, and protect the accused — then you are not bystanders.
You are ACCOMPLICES.

So here’s your choice now:
Believe the women;
Or admit, finally and publicly, that it was never about the fucking children.

It’s about power, and who you’re willing to sacrifice to keep it — even when the cost is the truth, the victims, your own damn soul, and the integrity of a nation.
These are your choices.
Decide.

BATTLE OF THE FLORES: CHENTE; THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY....

By Eric Lee Tunchez

Corpus Christi Cronica

The Republican primary for Texas Congressional District 34 is getting nastier by the day, with frontrunners Eric Flores and Mayra Flores now locked in a legal battle that has voters wondering "Is this a race for Congress or a legal drama?"

Let's recap the fight: On December 30, 2025, Eric Flores' legal team from O'Hanlon, Demerath & Castillo fired off a cease-and-desist letter to Mayra Flores, accusing her of publishing "false and libelous statements" on social media.

The letter demands she immediately stop disseminating "criminal, corrupt, or unethical conduct" claims about Flores, remove the posts and issue a retraction or face a lawsuit under Texas law.

It's a high-stakes escalation in a primary where Trump's endorsement for Eric has already turned allies into enemies.

Mayra, who has positioned herself as the "America First" candidate, hasn't backed down.

Her campaign has fired back with questions about Flores' past service as a prosecutor under the Biden administration during the height of "catch-and-release" border policies and his father Kino Flores six felony count convictions on tampering with government records and perjury charges linked to undisclosed income from contracts as political favors.

Public filings show Eric Flores' family remains involved in his campaign, adding fuel to the fire for voters who demand transparency.

Both candidates live in McAllen outside District 34. That fact alone has fueled ongoing debate about whether voters want representatives who already live and work in the communities they serve or outsiders who only move in if elected.

This infighting couldn't come at a worse time for the GOP. With the district redrawn to favor Republicans, the nominee should be cruising to victory against Democrat Vicente Gonzalez. But if the primary drags into a messy runoff in May, it could drain resources and fracture turnout.

JUDGE RELEASES 5-YEAR-OLD: CHIDES ICE QUOTAS AND "PREFIDIOUS LUST FOR UNBRIDLED POWER...BEREFT OF HUMAN DECENCY."

By Zoe Sottlle, Elizabeth Wolfe, and Ed Lavandera
CNN

A federal judge has ordered the release of five-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos and his father from the South Texas Family Residential Center in Dilley, Texas, according to a ruling obtained by CNN.

Liam and his father, Adrian, were taken by immigration agents from his snowy suburban Minneapolis driveway and sent 1,300 miles to a Texas detention facility designed to detain families. They have been detained for more than a week.

The order specifies the preschooler and his father be released “as soon as practicable” and no later than Tuesday as their immigration case proceeds through the court system. The ruling, shared with CNN by the judge’s courtroom deputy, was first reported by the San Antonio Express-News.

“We are now working closely with our clients and their family to ensure a safe and timely reunion,” the family’s lawyers said in a Saturday statement. “We are pleased that the family will now be able to focus on being together and finding some peace after this traumatic ordeal.”

In a scathing opinion, which at times read more like a civics lesson, U.S. District Judge Fred Biery admonished “the government’s ignorance of an American historical document called the Declaration of Independence” and quoted Thomas Jefferson’s grievances against “a would-be authoritarian king,” saying today people “are hearing echos of that history.”

Liam’s detention – and the striking photo of an agent clutching the boy’s Spider-Man backpack as he stared from under a cartoon bunny hat – fed mounting outrage over the Trump administration’s massive immigration crackdown in Minneapolis and renewed the question: What happens to children when their parents are abruptly taken by ICE?

In another diversion from the norms of judicial writing, the judge included the now famous image of Liam at the end of his opinion, under his signature, along with references to the Bible passages Matthew 19:14 and John 11:35.

Liam’s case, Biery wrote, originated in “the ill-conceived and incompetently-implemented government pursuit of daily deportation quotas, apparently even if it requires traumatizing children.”

“Observing human behavior confirms that for some among us, the perfidious lust for unbridled power and the imposition of cruelty in its quest know no bounds and are bereft of human decency,” wrote the judge. “And the rule of law be damned.”

To read rest of story, click on link: https://www.cnn.com/2026/01/31/us/liam-ramos-judge-release-ice-detention

GEORGE YEPES' VIRGEN DOLOROSA MURAL DEPICTS UVALDE VICTIMS

https://www.georgeyepes.com/gallery/new-works/

La Dolorosa/Virgen de Guadalupe altar to honor the 21 victims of the Uvalde, Texas elementary school shooting.

La Uvalde Dolorosa bears the pain of 21 bleeding wounds for the 21 victims: Her Sacred Heart skewered with 7 daggers and 14 large swords piercing her chest and abdomen. The Uvalde banner is draped across her lap.

La Dolorosa/Virgen de Guadalupe wears the crown of thorns from the crucifixion. Behind La Dolorosa is her flaming aura of La Virgen de Guadalupe.

La Dolorosa's green cloak of La Virgen de Guadalupe has turned to ultramarine blue with white stars. The bleeding stripes that flow from her Sacred Heart and the sword wounds have turned into the red and white stripes of the US flag.

Above and behind La Dolorosa is the cross of the crucifixion carved into the Uvalde oak tree from the City Seal of Uvalde, Texas.

The 21 Doves above La Dolorosa/Virgen de Guadalupe are the ascending souls of the Uvalde victims.

JUDGE EDDIE TREVINO'S RESPONSE TO GUERRA FAKE POLL

By Judge Eddie Treviño

Our opponent published his poll — and honestly, it’s hilarious. So, we had to join the fun.

When a campaign is built on graphics instead of voters, you can make the numbers say whatever you want. But let’s be clear: the only poll that matters is Election Day, when real people show up and real votes are counted.

We’ll stick to meeting voters, sharing facts, and earning support the honest way. See you at the polls.
And yes… Elvis beat us — because in Texas, legends never lose!

THE DECEIVING GRAPHIC PUBLISHED BY GUERRA CAMPAIGN

RUNNING SARITA CHECKPOINT: A SMUGGLER'S TALE OF LOVE

By Juan Montoya

The second time Chato ran the checkpoint at Sarita, it was for love.

(The first time was to take 15 pounds of pot to North Carolina, but's a story for another day.)

After he had returned home from the military and then finished college, Chato landed a job working as a clerk for a local elected official. He would write his correspondence, answer constituent complaints, and prepare his statements on issues relating to the office.

It was in the mid-80s when Cameron County, at the very tip of South Texas, was inundated with Central American refugees. After making their way through Mexico and being abused and ripped off all along the trip, they crossed the Rio Grande and into Brownsville, Texas.

In particular, they crowded into empty lots next to the Casa Romero off Minnesota Road. 

Hundreds of them lived in makeshift tents or cardboard shelters in an empty lot next to the overfilled refugee shelter. That, in turn, generated a backlash from nearby residents who complained about the trash generated by the Central Americans as they awaited their permits from the INS to travel north.

Among them were people from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala and sometimes even as far south as Nicaragua. As a county employee, Chato had to deal with the problem and try to soothe the feelings of the residents who lived nearby. A resident group had even built a watchtower in an adjoining lot to keep an eye on the crowded tent city that had sprouted as more and more refugees arrived.

The ones from El Salvador had the easiest time. Since their country had been in the throes of a civil war, their claims for asylum due to the war were routinely approved and they stayed for a few days before money from relatives arrived and they would leave on a bus headed north.

But it was the Hondurans who faced the most difficult time and who had nowhere to go. Many young women found work as domestic help in local homes or through churches. Others found work in local restaurants and bars hoping to make enough to reach their eventual destination. Some struck relationships with local residents and married, choosing instead to remain in South Texas.

The elected official had hired a young Honduran woman to take care of his young daughter while his wife worked. In his role as his assistant, Chato would sometimes have to stop by the house and deliver things that were needed there. He struck a friendship with Tina (Ernestina), who, as it turned out, was from a town near Tegucigalpa and had family in the large Honduran populations of Houston and New Jersey. 

That friendship eventually turned romantic and on their days off they would go visit her Honduran friends still in the city and take in a movie or long drives to Laguna Atascosa or South Padre Island. But they stayed away from Boca Chica Beach and the mouth of the Rio Grande, unwilling to tempt the devil.

Tina was short, with black curly hair and a skin tone closer to copper than to brown. As Hondurans tend to be, she was very sentimental and warm. "Yo te quiero un monton," she would tell him in their tender moments. When she was mad, she would sometimes ask him: "Y a que se debe ese gran bocho, Chato?"

Eventually, her relatives in Houston sent her enough money to pay a coyote to take her around the Sarita checkpoint and to the city. She called Chato days later to tell him about the long walk in the dark through the rattlesnake-infested and cactus-filled llano around Sarita trying to avoid la migra.
"Ya no aguantaba los chamorros," she said. "Me tuve que estar acostada dos dias cuando llegamos."

 Despite Tina not being in Brownsville, they remained in touch through telephone calls. Sometimes, when attending to county business in Houston or Austin, Chato would call her. Over time, the calls became less frequent. As a county employee, Chato had the use of a county vehicle. The car came equipped with a radio to communicate with the work crews who serviced the county roads and Boca Chica Beach.

One day Chato got a call from Tina asking for his help. A nephew from her native city in Honduras had gotten to the border and his Honduran girlfriend had come down from New Jersey to take him back with her. They had been a couple in Honduras and they wanted to marry and settle down in Jersey. She was a legal resident, but he was here illegally and could be deported if he was caught on the bus without papers. Could Chato help them?, Tina asked him. From the tone of her voice, he could tell she was near tears at the thought of him being caught by la migra.

He thought about it long and hard before he went to the hotel where the couple was staying. After talking to them, he came up with a plan.
The nephew was of classical Mayan stock. Not too tall, dark-complected (but not black), with dark hair that stuck out of his head (con los pelos parados). He would have to change his look to a point where the trained eye of the Border Patrol would not make him out at first sight.

He took the nephew to a barber who cut his hair to a decent length, bought him plenty of hair gel, and loaned him a white dress shirt to go with a dark suit they found at a local segunda. After dry cleaning it and making some adjustments, it fit him nicely. He decided to run Sarita with Antonio (his name) himself.

He also put on a suit with a coat and tie and after grooming Antonio to look like a typical Mexican American from South Texas, had him hold a clipboard with some real county correspondence on it.

He then took a piece of paper with the Sheriff's logo, folded it, and pinned it to the sun visor so that the star showed when it was flipped down. He draped the radio microphone over the rear view mirror and laid it on the dashboard. They took the girlfriend and put her on a bus to Kingsville and told her to get off the bus and wait for them at the convenience store along US 77 that served as a bus stop before entering Kingsville. They saw her off in Brownsville and then set out on the road themselves giving her about two hours head start before departing.

When Antonio's girlfriend saw him decked out like like an investigator with his coat and tie, his neat hair and clipboard in his hand, she swooned.
"Ay mi amor, parece un licenciado!," she exclaimed before she got on the bus.

On the road north, Chato slowly and patiently instructed Antonio to act nonchalantly and not to panic when they approached the checkpoint in Sarita.
"Como que vamos en negocio," he told Antonio. "Si no tienes que decir nada, no hables. Has como que ivas leyendo los papeles en el clipboard."

As they approached in the county vehicle, he flipped down the sun visor so that the sheriff logo could be plainly seen and adjusted the cord on the radio so that it looked as if they had been using it. Still, Chato knew that one slip would probably mean his arrest and a long jail term in a federal prison, never mind losing his job. He steeled himself and rolled to a stop by the standing Border Patrolman.

The officer, seeing the county vehicle, the sheriff logo on the sun visor, and two apparent deputies in coat and tie – one of them putting down the clipboard he had apparently been reading – glanced at them and waved them through. Chato waved and made a point of looking at the drug-sniffing dogs on leashes as they passed through. He stopped at the rest area past the checkpoint until he stopped shaking and breathed a long sigh of relief.

They picked up Antonio's girlfriend and had an uneventful trip to Houston. When they arrived at Tina's apartment, she burst out crying when she saw her nephew, the first relative she had seen from her home in years. They hugged and cried together for a long time. She then hugged Chato and tearfully whispered her thanks in his ear for helping her nephew.

"Verdad que mi amor se parece un licenciado?" the girl friend kept repeating.

Chato later found out from Tina, who had since married and started a family of her own, that Antonio and his girlfriend had arrived in New Jersey and that he had found work at the same factory where she worked. They had married and had started a family.

Chato lost contact with Tina after her husband objected to her calling him. But he knew that somewhere in Houston and in New Jersey, love had flourished for two families of refugees because he had run Sarita for love.

TRUMP AND HIS ICE GOONS FLUNK DEPORTATION 101

He didn't arrest US citizens, violate the Constitution, kidnap asylum seekers in court, use children as bait, or sanction and lie about murdering US citizens. They also didn't wear masks.

IF YOU'RE WATCHING A MAJOR LEAGUE GAME AND THERE ARE NO LATINOS PLAYING, YOU'RE NOT WATCHING EL BEIS

Getting into the Baseball Hall of Fame isn't easy. Fernando Valenzuela failed to be elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame in voting by the Contemporary Baseball Era Committee in Orlando, Florida and won't appear on a ballot again until 2031 at the earliest.

The late Dodger pitching star received less than five votes in December 2025 from the 16-member committee, which consisted of seven Hall of Famers, six baseball executives, including Angels owner Artie Moreno and former Dodger assistant general manager Kim Ng, and three veteran media members or historians.

Carlos Beltrán, Andruw Jones, and Jeff Kent comprise the Baseball Hall of Fame Class of 2026, with inductions scheduled for July 26, 2026, in Cooperstown, NY. Beltrán (84.2 percent ) and Jones (78.4 percent  were elected by the Baseball Writers' Association of America BBWAA, while Kent was elected via the Contemporary Baseball Era Committee. A player needs to reach 75 percent to enter the Hall of Fame.

CAMARGO PREDATED U.S.,TEXAS, AND BROWNSVILLE; WAS ORIGIN OF 1ST SETTLERS OF CITY AND CAMERON COUNTY

By Juan Montoya

Twenty-seven years before the the 13 colonies issued their Declaration of Independence from England, a full 87 years before Texas broke away from Mexico, and 104 years before Brownsville was incorporated in 1853, Camargo, Tamaulipas already existed.

This March, Camargo – and Reynosa downriver – will celebrate the 277th anniversary of their founding.

The first settlement to be founded on the Lower Rio Grande was that of Nuestra Señora de Santa Ana de Camargo.

Camargo is located almost directly across the river from Rio Grande City.

It was founded on March 5, 1749, with the dedication to Señora Santa Ana by captain Don Blas Maria de la Garza de Falcon at the eastern edge of the San Juan River near its confluence with the Río Grande.

The foundation had 85 families – a total of 531 persons. Most of the settlers for this township came from Cerralvo, Cadereyta, Monterrey and surrounding townships

Following that, another settlement, Reynosa, 10 leagues downriver, was founded by Colonel Jose de Escandon. Reynosa was named after the Spanish town of Reynosa located in Cantabria (Spain).
The new settlement was dedicated to the Virgin of Guadalupe.

Reynosa was established on 14 March 1749, in an extensive fluvial plain. Most of the initial settlers were from the New Kingdom of León.

In 1846, when Zachary Taylor invaded Mexico through the Nueces Strip, Camargo was occupied by the US Army.

This river port served as a jumping off point for the invasion on Monterrey and Saltillo. The Army was transported via steamboats from the mouth of the river area, and Matamoros. Disease plagued the troops and it is said that hundreds of U.S. soldiers were buried in Camargo, and between that city and Monterrey, in unmarked graves. The command was said to have made the fatal mistake of establishing camp below the confluence of both rivers, where raw sewage and waste from the city drained into the water they used to drink.

Since the Battle of Palo Alto just north of present-day Brownsville in May 1846 signaled the beginning of the Mexican American War, the town of Camargo has close historic ties with our city.

In fact, the founder of the first ranch in Cameron County came from there. Rancho Viejo was established by Salvador de La Garza in 1770 and the King of Spain gave him the royal grant in 1781.

His daughter, Doña Estefana Goseascochea de Cortina was born in Camargo in 1782 (the Rio Grande wasn't a border then) and died in 1867 on her El Carmen Ranch ( named after her daughter) at 85 years of age.

Carmen Avenue connected these two ranches. Santa Rita (now Villanueva, and the first seat of Cameron County) was also founded by Doña Estefana. The marker indicates where her ranch cemetery – which was destroyed with the building of the river levee along Military Highway – used to be.

She had three sons, Sabas Cavazos, and his half brothers Jose Maria and Juan Nepomuceno Cortina, the latter known as the rebel who  defied Texan authorities following the loss of Mexican territory north of the Rio Grande after 1848. Sabas was one of the wealthiest land owners in the new entity and Jose Maria was elected treasurer of the newly established Cameron County.

In September 1959, Juan "Cheno" Cortina would battle a militia from Brownsville, Texas, the Texas Rangers and U.S. forces. He once occupied the border city looking for the enemies of the Mexicans, but after several "wars" was exiled to Mexico City by dictator Porfirio Diaz at the request of U.S. authorities, where he died.

TIT FOR TAT IN COUNTY JUDGE'S RACE: MY POLL IS MORE (IN)CREDIBLE THAN YOURS

JUDGE EDDIE TREVINO'S RESPONSE TO GUERRA'S "FAKE" POLL

By Judge Eddie Treviño

Our opponent published his poll — and honestly, it’s hilarious. So, we had to join the fun.

When a campaign is built on graphics instead of voters, you can make the numbers say whatever you want. But let’s be clear: the only poll that matters is Election Day, when real people show up and real votes are counted.

We’ll stick to meeting voters, sharing facts, and earning support the honest way. See you at the polls.
And yes… Elvis beat us — because in Texas, legends never lose!

THE OFFENDING GRAPHIC PUBLISHED BY GUERRA CAMPAIGN

CHICKENS COME HOME TO ROOST FOR GUERRA IN COUNTY JUDGE'S RACE

 

Special to El Rrun-Rrun

Someone once said that if you want to learn who your parents and grandparents were, all you have to do is become a candidate for public office.

Well, that's is apparently what is happening in the Cameron County Judge's race which pits incumbent Eddie Treviño against challengers Steve Guerra, currently chair of the Brownsville Navigation District, and former county sheriff Eric Garza.

Guerra is learning that once you throw your hat into the ring, the intense examination of a campaign often forces hidden family details into the open.

The campaign sign above (and below) indicates that Guerra and two other defendants were sued in May 2000 in the 103rd District Court by the parents of a fellow Brownsville St. Joseph Academy student (then a minor) who petitioned the court to investigate his potential claim that on April 19, 2000 the trio committed  "assault...by knocking him to the ground and kicking him about the head and neck....Although the assault "was inflicted in Matamoros, planning for the assault or the events leading up to the assault occurred in Brownsville. The assault was inflicted after a party of St. Joseph Academy students celebrating the junior ring ceremony, by (the three) students from St. Joseph's who attended the party."

Among those students, the civil lawsuit names Guerra and two of his friends. The case is styled 200-05-001896-D May 2000.

The petition to the court states that Guerra and the two other defendants lured the victim to Matamoros where the assault occurred. The record does not indicate the monetary arrangements for a settlement of the case.

"These are not rumors," the signs appearing on roadsides read. "These are allegations contained in a sworn court record. Voters deserve answers. Ask the hard questions. Is this the kind of leader you want in office? Then decide."

As was stated at the beginning of this post: Want to learn who your ancestors were? Can the fact that Steve is the grandson of Gulf Cartel founder Juan N. Guerra be far behind? 

POST CARD FROM THE BORDER...ALL THE WAY TO BOCA CHICA

POST CARD FROM THE BORDER...ALL THE WAY TO BOCA CHICA

 

MATA TURNS 200, BUT ITS HISTORY PRECEDES THE U.S. AND BROWNSVILLE

NotiGape

During the first solemn session of the Matamoros City Council held Friday at the Casamata Museum, Mayor Alberto Granados read Decree number 12, which granted this border city the title of Villa de Matamoros, issued in 1826 by Governor Luca Fernández.

In the presence of the trustees and council members, the Mayor read the decree, which states: 

The Governor of the State of Tamaulipas, to all inhabitants, be it known: The Constitutional Congress of the Free State of Tamaulipas, wishing to promote population growth and to perpetuate the memory of one of the martyrs of the nation, has decreed the following:

Article One: The settlement of El Refugio is granted the title of “Villa de Matamoros.”

Article Two: That settlement shall remain where it is, and the government shall take the necessary steps to respect the ownership of the land where it is located, ensuring that compensation is paid according to the law if it belongs to a private individual. The Governor of the state shall take note of this and ensure its compliance, having it printed, published, and circulated in Ciudad Victoria on January 28, 1826.

Following the reading of the document issued 200 years ago, the city council continued with its third extraordinary session, in which it authorized the public works budget and appointed the delegates and sub-delegates of the rural communities.

(But although the decree was issued 200 years ago, the history of settlement in what became Brownsville's sister city history goes back much longer, as the following articles indicate. The following narratives on the founding of Matamoros were posted here some 14 years ago. One of our readers reminded us that we had posted it and asked if we still had the original Spanish version. Unfortunately, we did not. We found some that originally appeared in El Bravo and translated it for our Spanish-challenged readers. We thank our reader for reminding us.)

"Mi Matamoros Querido"

Part 1

By Oscar Treviño Jr.

While colonization was under way by 1749 – 277 years ago, 27 years before the founding of the United States in 176, and a full 104 years before Brownsville was incorporated – Matías de los Santos Coy decided to establish a livestock ranch called "San Juan de los Esteros Hermosos." The location of that first effort at settling the area is near what is today the intersection of Calle Quinta y Matamoros. Esteros refers to what we call "resacas" on the Brownsville side.

However, Santos Coy had to give up that effort because of constant attacks by local natives who did not show a propensity to be "civilized."
That's the reason why today Santos Coy is not considered one of the founding settlers of the city.

Two years before, José de Escandón wrote a letter to the Crown saying that this place – Matamoros – was an inadequate place to build a town because of the annual flooding of the Rio Grande and because of the poor drainage of the land that caused outbreaks of yellow fever and pestilence.

Nonetheless, in 1747, 12 families came down from Camargo and Reynosa upriver and they founded a congregation called "San Juan de los Esteros Hermosos", and choosing, coincidentally, the same spot chosen temporarily by Santos Coy.

In 1784 they filed the paperwork to purchase 113 sitios de ganado mayor- something like 17. 5 square kilómeters - claiming that they had lived on the site for more than 10 years. The owner of the land, Don Andrés Vicente o Antonio de Urízar, who didn't know his property named Don Ignacio del Valle as his representative in the transaction. The families named Ignacio Anastacio de Ayala as their representative and the deal was consummated with Diego de Lasaga, the political and military governor of the colonia del Nuevo Santander present as well as Pedro Félix Campuzano, the judge commissioned by the government for the mediation of lands.

Even though the families signed the documents on October 18, 1784 in San Felipe de Linares, Nuevo León, with Juan Jacinto de Lanuza, Andrés Vicente de Urízar's new representative, it wasn't until January 3, 1785, when the transaction was finalized.
In this way, large tracts of the land and big ranches started being identified with the names and geographic characteristics of the livestock raised by the original 12 families .

For example, the ranch owned by Juan José Cisneros who was married to María Antonia Villarreal, was identified by locals as "Cabras Pintas." Don Juan Nepomuceno Cisneros Villarreal, who was married to María Teresa Salinas, owned the ranch called "La Canasta."

Don Miguel Chapa, married to María Teresa Treviño, owned "El Chapeño."
Don Santiago Longoria, married to María Hinojosa, owned "El Longoreño.
Don José Antonio de la Garza Falcón, married to Josefa Villarreal, owned "El Falconeño."
Don Antonio de la Garza, married to María Salomé Sepúlveda, owned the now-famous "El Tahuachal."

Don Luis Antonio García Rodríguez, married to María Rosalía de la Garza, owned the horse ranch "Los Gachupines." Don Ramón Longoria, married to Josefa García, owned "La Barranca" and "El Capote," along with Marcelino Longoria and his wife Francisca de la Serna.

Don José de Hinojosa, married to Antonia Benavides, owned "La Palma."
Juan José Solís, married to María Gertrudis Hinojosa, owned "El Soliseño."
Nicolás de Vela, married to María García, were owners of the ranch "Las Animas" along with José Antonio Cavazos y Gertrudis Cantú.

Some of the original names that were given to these areas still persist.

"Mi Matamoros Querido"

Part 2

The Spanish Crown formed the Internal Provinces Command in 1776 due to the constant attacks by marauding bands of Indians (natives) of the Plains, Comanches, and other tribes who resisted the
efforts of the government to colonize them.

Nuevo Santander formed part of the command and a demarcation line was formed to cordon the colonies from the attacks.

The colonization of Nuevo Santander was based on the establishment of "Ayuntamientos," (a political jurisdiction roughly equal to a county), so that each town could name a mayor, a prosecutor, and two council members (regidores).

The evangelization and conversion of natives was entrusted to Franciscan monks from the College of the Propagation of the Faith based in Guadalupe, Zacatecas. In 1793, the priests Francisco Pueyes and Manuel Julio Silva arrived and at once proposed that the name of the community be changed to "Nuestra Señora de Refugio de los Esteros," partly because the inhabitants called it "El Refugio" or "Villa del Refugio." It wouldn't be until 1826 that it was named Matamoros.

The Huastecos and the Olives who had been transported here from Florida, strongly resisted colonization and fought against both the local inhabitants and the domesticated natives. They were summarily exterminated.

(The name Tamaulipas is derived from Tamaholipa, a Huasteca term in which the "tam" prefix signifies "place where." As yet, there is no scholarly agreement on the meaning of holipa, but "high hills" is a common interpretation. However, a native population of Tamaulipas, now extinct, was referred to as the "Olives" during the early colonial period, which is a likely Spanish transformation on holipa... source: Wikipedia)

The native prisoners were exchanged at a rate of 60 to 80 natives for a horse. After the Crown – whose policy forbade slavery – discovered that this trade was being allowed in Nuevo Santander, it charged José de Escandón y Helguera and tried him to Juicio de Residencia (Trial by Residence?) in 1767. Despite this fact, he still retained the governorship of Nuevo Santander. Escandón died four years later but was vindicated by the honors granted him in Spain upon his death.

The Franciscans, meanwhile, decided to change the center of the town to a higher elevation due to the chronic flooding of the Rio Grande and it was moved two blocks to the south, where it currently exists.
They used the traditional town layout used in their native Spain: the cathedral toward the east, a plaza, the government building housing the cabildo to the west, and prominent businesses and citizens to the north. They christened the new layout as "Congregación de Nuestra Señora Refugio."

They also brought a patron saint, a virgin originally named "Nuestra Señora de Refugio de los Pecadores," (Our Lady of the Refuge of Sinners), but removed the word "sinners" since everyone had converted to Catholicism.

The Plaza de Armas, now known as "Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla", was a very important place because that's where "La Picota" was placed. This consisted of a large stake upon which were impaled the heads of natives who resisted the authority of the Crown. There was also a type of wooden platform where public executions would take place.

It was called "plaza de armas" because the authorities would call out the inhabitants in case of an indian attack, raiders, or foreigners. They would hand out weapons to the inhabitants that showed up to defend the town or go after the raiders.

A PAGE FROM THE MULLAHS' PLAYBOOK: IRAN INVITED TO BOARD OF PEACE

LEFT IN THE COLD: TARIFFS DECIMATE MAQUILAS ON BORDER

By Mariana Hernandez and Jose Luis Gonzalez

Reuters

Noticias Frontera

"In Mexican border town, thousands of jobs lost due to Trump tariffs.

For 11 years, Fabiola Galicia worked her way up the ranks at a factory that produced decorative ribbons in Ciudad Juarez...

But in June, her shift was cut to just three days a week. Then in August, a representative for Design Group Americas, which filed for bankruptcy protection last month, shut down its Ciudad Juarez factory, leaving Galicia and some 300 other workers without jobs.

In court filings, the company partially blamed its troubles on tariffs imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump. Galicia said a company representative also blamed Trump. "They told us the tariffs had affected the company," said Galicia, whose husband also worked at the company and was laid off.

Design Group Americas didn't respond to a request for comment about the layoffs.

Assembly plants in Ciudad Juarez, Matamoros, Reynosa, etc., which import raw materials mostly duty free from around the world and export the finished product to the U.S., are in crisis...

(At right, thousands of workers throng outside Tridonex Tuesday in Matamoros after learning that the company had declared bankruptcy and concerns that they have lost their jobs and severance benefits. People are being notified that many plants are going bankrupt such as Tridonex, Trico, Centric Parts, BPI Manufacturing, Hopkins—most of its companies in Matamoros, Ciudad Juárez, and that Bajío—will try to remove assets and machinery.)

Known as maquiladoras, the plants account for roughly 60 percent of jobs in Ciudad Juarez...

Between June 2023 and June 2025, the municipality of Juarez lost more than 64,000 factory jobs, including nearly 14,000 in the first six months of the year...

The mass layoffs underscore the challenges facing Mexico's economy, which depends on free trade with the U.S...

Maria Teresa Delgado, vice president of the maquila association INDEX Juarez, said the industry is in "crisis." Besides tariffs, she and six other business experts attributed the layoffs in Juarez to a combination of factors.

Factories experienced a decline in profit margins following a federally mandated increase in the minimum wage, they said...

Then, in 2023, Mexico's former president proposed a major judicial reform-to replace appointed judges with elected judges, raising alarm among foreign investors and hampering investment because of the threat to judicial independence. The reform was enacted this year.

But Trump's trade war was the tipping point, Delgado said...there are high tariffs on the automotive industry and products like steel, aluminum and some textiles...

Foreign direct investment in Mexico fell 21 percent in the first quarter of 2025 compared to the same period a year before. In the state of Chihuahua, where Ciudad Juarez is located, foreign direct investment in manufacturing declined 56 percent...

"Companies are holding off on making decisions and making new investments until there is clarity about what will happen with trade policy."

Some companies are already pulling out of Ciudad Juarez as they move to countries with lower labor costs or decide to invest in the U.S. to avoid tariffs.

Earlier this year, automotive parts-maker Lear Corp announced it will relocate some production lines from Ciudad Juarez to Honduras, in what it described as a broader strategy to reduce costs amid shifting demand and rising wages in Mexico's northern border region.

Lacroix plans to shut down its operations in Ciudad Juarez by the end of this year. The company cited sustained losses and trade uncertainty as key reasons for its exit from North America.

Thor Salayandia, president of the regional business coalition Border Block Trade, said he has had to cut employees at his hardware factory in Ciudad Juarez that produces nails...

"Clients are cutting costs. One day they place an order, the next they don't."

From: https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/mexico-workers-across-maquiladoras-face-mass-layoffs-following-us-tariffs-wpftc/

FIL VELA AND FUTURE OF NAVY COMMISSION PONDER U.S. MARITIME POWER

The U.S. Navy's Gerald R. Ford Carrier Strike Group, including the flagship USS Gerald R. Ford (CVN 78), left, USS Winston S. Churchill (DDG 81), front, USS Mahan (DDG 72), back, USS Bainbridge (DDG 96), and embarked Carrier Air Wing Eight F/A-18E/F Super Hornets assigned to Strike Fighter Squadrons 31, 37, 87, and 213, operates as a joint, multi-domain force with a U.S. Air Force B-52 Stratofortress. (Photo by Tajh Payne/US Navy via Getty Images)

By Filemon Vela, Mckenzie Eaglen, and Benjamin Jensen

National Commission on the Future of the Navy

Breaking Defense

For the first time since the Second World War, the United States faces a peer naval rival able to challenge American control of the seas and global trade.

The Chinese Communist Party has spent a generation building a flee that can contest sea control and turn industrial scale into military power. Its rapid naval buildup, combined with dominance in commercial shipbuilding, is shifting the balance of power at sea and eroding U.S. advantages.

At the same time, regional authoritarians like Iran and extremists create a constant global demand for naval forces. The Navy is asked to do more with less, patrolling an ever-wider map with a fleet that is smaller, older, and increasingly brittle. Readiness problems and maintenance backlogs now threaten America’s ability to respond when crises erupt.

This moment demands a fundamental rethink of U.S. maritime strategy, the fleets that support it, and the industrial base that underwrites military power. That is why Congress created the National Commission on the Future of the Navy. The bipartisan panel is charged with helping the United States Navy and Marine Corps compete, deter, and win with modern tools and concepts against sophisticated adversaries.

This has been a long time coming. While we were announced in, it wasn’t until 2024 when members were named and late 2025 when funding was approved. There’s a lot of ground to make up, so we’re aiming to work fast — and we want to hear from stakeholders across the country.

The commission will be holding public hearings in 2026, culminating in a submission of its recommendations in early 2027. These are likely to cover everything from how America builds and buys ships consistent with efforts like "Re-Industrialize 2.0" and the Maritime Action Plan, to more subtle changes in policy and law that support new ideas like the recently announced hedge strategy.

In partnership with the executive branch, the commission will focus on three core problems.

First, it will test emerging ideas such as a hybrid fleet and expanded use of unmanned systems against how the Navy actually fights and what realistic budgets will allow. A distributed fleet that combines manned platforms with unmanned surface and undersea vehicles can expand sensing, complicate enemy targeting, and cover a wider area.

Second, the commission will examine recurring shipbuilding and maintenance failures that have turned too many plans into paper fleets. Shipyards struggle to deliver on time and on budget, while schedules slip, costs rise, and the nation pays for ships that never reach the fleet. The recent cancelation of the Orca unmanned undersea vehicle and Constellation-class frigate are harbingers of how good intentions can still leave the fleet short.

Third, the commission will confront the constant global demand for naval forces that makes rebuilding the fleet even harder. From operations in the Red Sea to recent deployments on the Caribbean, American leaders turn to the Navy because it can project power from the sea while limiting the political risks of large ground deployments. That demand strains the force and compounds problems in shipbuilding and maintenance.

Responsibility for this predicament extends beyond the Pentagon. Legacy policies and laws have produced perverse incentives across the defense industrial base and federal bureaucracy. Paper cuts are sinking ships. The commission will therefore make recommendations not only to the Navy but also to Congress, the White House, and industry. The United States cannot afford to concede the high seas to an authoritarian rival, even if voices in both parties argue for turning inward.

To develop practical options, the commission will undertake an ambitious research and outreach agenda. Members and senior staff will meet with senior political and military leaders, junior officers and new recruits, and defense firms large and small. They will cast a wide net to understand how different constituencies define the problem and where they see opportunities for change. The commission will also solicit ideas directly from the fleet through professional military education institutions, shared staff, and essay contests so sailors and marines have a voice in shaping the force they will fight.

To read rest of story, click on link: https://breakingdefense.com/2026/01/the-national-commission-on-the-future-of-the-navy-the-time-is-now/